Struggling for stability: Livelihood security and system analysis of Iruliga Tribes in Ramanagara

Introduction

India, a nation known for its remarkable "unity in diversity," embodies a wide spectrum of communities that differ in geography, culture, and social organization. Among them, tribal societies, often referred to as Adivasis (original inhabitants), have historically maintained a harmonious relationship with nature, preserving distinct ways of life passed down through generations. Despite their cultural richness, tribal communities remain among the most marginalized and disadvantaged sections of Indian society, facing systemic challenges in securing sustainable livelihoods, education, health, and socio-economic development.

Defining tribes is complex due to their diverse socioeconomic settings and evolving integration with mainstream society. However, common characteristics such as shared ancestry, territorial affiliation, cultural uniqueness, and traditional governance structures are widely recognized (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1911). According to the 2011 Census, Scheduled Tribes (STs) constitute 8.6 per cent of India's population, with Karnataka alone accounting for 6.95 per cent of the state's population. Among Karnataka's indigenous groups, the Iruliga community, primarily residing in Ramanagara district, represents a distinct cultural and socio-economic entity grappling with persistent livelihood challenges. The Iruliga, belonging to the Dravidian ethnic group, have traditionally depended on occupations like rat-catching, snake-handling, honey collection, and agricultural labor. However, historical land alienation, poverty, health vulnerabilities, educational barriers, and the pressures of modernization have severely impacted their traditional livelihood systems. Despite government interventions and welfare initiatives, the Iruligas continue to face difficulties in accessing resources, securing land rights, utilizing development programs, and sustaining their cultural identity. In this context, livelihood securitydefined as the sustainable access to income, food, health, education, and shelter (FAO, 1995; Chambers and Conway, 1992) [, 4] becomes a crucial lens to understand and address the www.extensionjournal.com vulnerabilities faced by the Iruliga community.

Objectives

• To measure the livelihood security of the Iruliga tribes in Ramanagara district. • To examine the different livelihood systems followed by tribes

Methodology

The present investigation was conducted in Ramanagara district of Karnataka, focusing on the Iruliga tribal community. Two taluks-Ramanagara and Magadi-were purposively selected due to their accessibility and concentration of tribal populations. From each taluk, six villages/hamlets were randomly selected, and from each village/hamlet, ten respondents were chosen through simple random sampling. This yielded a total sample size of 120 tribal respondents.

A structured personal interview schedule was developed in accordance with the objectives of the study and the variables identified. The variables were categorized into dependent and independent variables. The dependent variable, livelihood security of the tribal respondents, was assessed using a Livelihood Security Index developed by Ramya (2016) [10] . The independent variables included a range of demographic, socio-economic, and psychological factors, Security Index = ×100

After obtaining the index score and calculating the mean and standard deviation, livelihood security among the respondents was categorized into three groups for a comprehensive assessment which has been given in the below table. To study the livelihood system, six main aspects were considered:

1. Livelihood Combinations: All existing combinations of different livelihood activities followed by the tribal households were recorded. A total of sixteen combinations involving ten different livelihood options were found. These were grouped into ten broad categories based on how many people were following them.

Distribution of Livelihood Options:

The number of households engaged in each livelihood option, whether alone or in combination, was counted. Based on this, the livelihood options were ranked according to how commonly they were practiced.

Proportion of Income and Time Spent:

To understand how much each activity contributed to livelihood security, both income and time spent were measured. Contribution of each livelihood option was calculated by using the formula:

To calculate the time spent on each livelihood option the following formula was used:

Male and Female Participation:

The role of men and women in each livelihood activity was noted. Their involvement was rated as fully involved (score = 2), partially involved (score = 1), or not involved (score = 0). The male and female share for each livelihood option was calculated by using the formula:

Technical Competency:

The skill level of the respondents in each livelihood option was measured using a scaleenough (3), moderate (2), and less (1).

Perceived Risk:

The risk felt by the respondents in each activity was also measured on a scalehigh (3), moderate (2), and low (1). www.extensionjournal.com This method helped in understanding which livelihood options were more common, how much they contributed to income and time, the role of men and women, how skilled people were, and how risky each option was.

Results and Discussion

Overall livelihood security Table 1 provides information on the overall livelihood security of tribes. Among respondents in Magadi taluk, nearly half (45.00%) belonged to the medium category followed by over one-third (36.67%) in the high category and nearly one-fifth (18.33%) in the low category. In Ramanagara taluk, nearly half (43.33%) of respondents belonged to the medium category followed by more than two-fifths (41.67%) in the low category and one-sixth (15.00%) in the high category. Overall, nearly two-fifths (41.17%) of respondents were categorized under the medium category followed by three-tenths (30.00%) in the low category and one-fourth (25.83%) in the high category.

The variation in distribution could be attributed to factors such as differences in access to resources, socioeconomic conditions, education levels and external influences like environmental challenges or availability of employment opportunities. In Magadi, better access to land for agriculture, improved habitat, and infrastructure contribute to higher livelihood security. These factors along with stable living conditions likely support the overall better performance in livelihood security compared to other areas. Socioeconomic factors such as income opportunities also play a significant role in shaping the security levels. The findings are in line with studies of Dhanasree et al. (2014) [5] and Ramya (2016) [10] .

Dimension wise Food security

Data from Table 2 shows that food security levels among the Iruliga tribes in Magadi and Ramanagara taluks. In Magadi, nearly two-thirds (61.66%) of respondents had high food security followed by about one-third (31.67%) in the medium category and only a small portion (6.67%) in the low category. In Ramanagara, three-fifths (56.67%) in the medium category followed by nearly two fifths (35.00%) were in the high category and nearly one-tenth (8.33%) in the low category. Overall, nearly half (48.33%) of the respondents were categorized under high food security followed by less than half (44.17%) in the medium category and nearly one-tenth (7.50%) in the low category. The probable reasons may be families in Magadi having better access to agricultural resources, markets, or government support, which helps them achieve greater food security compared to Ramanagara. Higher income levels or more stable earning opportunities in Magadi contribute to their ability to afford sufficient and nutritious food, while Ramanagara families struggle with limited income sources. In Magadi, where many members cultivate and produce crops, families are better able to rely on these reserves during times of scarcity. In contrast, the lower number in Ramanagara reflects limited agricultural activity or storage practices, contributing to lower food security. The findings are in line with Ramya (2016) [10] .

Health security

Data from Table 2 depicts that more than half (53.33%) of the respondents in Magadi had medium health security, while nearly one-third (31.67%) were in the high category and 15.00 per cent were in the low category. In Ramanagara, nearly half (48.33%) of respondents had medium health security, whereas more than two-fifths (41.67%) were in the low category and only one-tenth (10.00%) fell into the high category. Overall, half (50.83%) of the respondents had medium health security followed by more than one-third (28.34%) in the low category and onefifth (20.83%) in the high category. The potential factors include poor sanitation in Ramanagara, which contributes to the spread of epidemic diseases, significantly impacting health security. Inadequate waste management, contaminated water sources, and poor hygiene practices further increase the risk of disease outbreaks. Additionally, the distant location of healthcare facilities from residential areas limits access to timely medical care, particularly during emergencies or for routine check-ups. Addressing these challenges could involve improving healthcare infrastructure, making services more affordable and enhancing health awareness. These findings align with those of Mandal and Sengupta (2016) [6] .

Occupational security

Data from Table 2 highlights the occupational security levels among the respondents. In Magadi taluk, nearly half (45.00%) of the respondents were in the medium category followed by over one-third (35.00%) in the high category and one-fifth (20.00%) in the low category. In Ramanagara taluk, over two-fifths (41.67%) of the respondents belonged to the medium category, followed by nearly one-third (30.00%) in the high category and more than one-fourth (28.33%) in the low category. Overall, across both taluks nearly half (43.33%) of the respondents fell into the medium category, while one-third (32.50%) were in the high category and nearly one-fourth (24.17%) were in the low category. The reasons may include many tribes relying on seasonal work or manual labor, which often results in inconsistent income and job insecurity. Limited skills beyond basic wage work further restrict their opportunities for stable and betterpaying employment. In rural areas, the scarcity of available job options exacerbates the challenge of securing higherpaying or year-round work. Additionally, inadequate support, such as infrastructure, financial assistance and training for small businesses, hinders individuals from creating their own sources of income. Consequently, they remain reliant on unpredictable and unreliable forms of labor.

Habitat security

Data from Table 2 reveals that in Magadi, above two-fifths (43.33%) of the respondents reported high habitat security followed by 26.67 per cent in the medium category and 30.00 per cent in the low category. Conversely, in Ramanagara, half (50.00%) of respondents had low habitat security followed by 33.33 per cent were in the high category and 16.67 per cent were in the medium category. Overall, two-fifths (40.00%) of respondents were in the low category, while nearly two-fifths (38.33%) had high security and above one fifth (21.67%) were in the medium category. The underlying reasons might be that Magadi benefits from stronger local governance and policies that prioritize housing and infrastructure development. In contrast, Ramanagara seems to lack similar levels of investment, resulting in poorer living conditions. Additionally, the growing family size in Ramanagara has caused overcrowding in homes originally designed for smaller families. As a result, children are often forced to construct their own tents or thatched houses. This situation highlights the challenges posed by population growth and inadequate housing space, emphasizing the urgent need for improved housing solutions and infrastructure development in Ramanagara.

Cultural security

From Table 2, it is evident that more than three-fifths (61.67%) of respondents in Magadi had medium cultural security, while 26.66 per cent were in the high category and 11.67 per cent were in the low category. In Ramanagara, nearly half (46.66%) of the respondents had high cultural security, 36.67 per cent had medium security and 16.67 per cent were in the low category. Overall, nearly half (49.17%) of the respondents were in the medium category, 36.66 per cent were in the high category and 14.17 per cent were in the low category.

The key factors could include sufficient access to clothing and resources in both taluks, which may be driven by a combination of local economic stability, government welfare programs and the ability of families to meet basic needs through available resources. The rarity of child marriage and absence of widow marriage reflect increased awareness of social norms and legal frameworks. Higher festival expenditures in Ramanagara may result from cultural expectations and variations in income levels. Minimal participation in folk events might be attributed to limited opportunities, a declining focus on traditional practices or the influence of modernization.

Educational security

The results from Table 2 highlight that in Magadi, the twothirds (65.00%), of respondents fall under the high educational security category, followed by the medium category with nearly one-fifth (18.33%) and one-sixth (16.67%) in the low category. In Ramanagara, just above two-fifths (43.34%) of respondents fall under the high category, with nearly two-fifths (38.33%) in the medium category and nearly one-fifth (18.33%) in the low category. Overall, more than half (54.17%) of the respondents were categorized under high educational security followed by above one-fourth (28.33%) in the medium category and nearly one-fifth (17.50%) in the low category.

The probable reasons could be better access to educational resources and infrastructure in Magadi, leading to higher educational security. In contrast, Ramanagara faces challenges like longer travel distances to schools making education less accessible, especially for girls. Additionally, many children in Ramanagara drop out of school to support their families by working instead of continuing their education. The findings are in line with Barela et al. (2018) [2] .

Financial security

Table 2 reveals that in Magadi, nearly three-fourths (71.67%) of respondents were observed to have medium financial security, while 15.00 per cent were in the high category and 13.33 per cent were in the low category. In Ramanagara, slightly more than half (51.67%) of respondents had medium financial security, above two-fifths (43.33%) were in the low category and only 5.00 per cent had high security. Overall, above three-fifths (61.67%) reported medium financial security, above one-fourth (28.33%) were in the low category and 10.00 per cent had high security. The probable reasons could be differences in land ownership and farming practices with people in Magadi possibly having better access to productive land and more diverse agricultural opportunities.

Additionally, Ramanagara's proximity to Bengaluru may lead to higher living costs and increased competition for resources, making it more difficult for residents to maintain financial security due to higher expenses and limited affordable resources. However, opportunities to improve financial security exist by focusing on expanding credit access, enhancing financial education, and creating more stable job opportunities.

Asset security

Data in Table 2 highlights that nearly half (46.67%) of respondents in Magadi experienced low asset security, while nearly two-fifths (38.33%) were in the high category and about one-sixth (15.00%) were in the medium category. In Ramanagara, two-fifths (40.00%) had low security, while nearly one-third (31.67%) were in the medium category and above one-fourth (28.33%) were in the high category. Overall, more than two-fifths (43.33%) of respondents reported low security, one-third (33.34%) had high security and nearly one-fourth (23.33%) were in the medium category. The probable reasons for low asset security could include the Iruliga tribes primary reliance on agricultural labor, nonagricultural labor and livestock, which often provide unstable and seasonal incomes. Limited access to land and resources for farming can restrict wealth accumulation, while dependence on labor-based work may lead to lower financial security due to inconsistent wages. Additionally, the lack of diversified income sources or skills development may leave them vulnerable to economic fluctuations. Livestock rearing, may not generate enough income to build substantial assets, especially without access to proper markets or support systems. Furthermore, the lack of financial services and government schemes could prevent them from securing assets. www.extensionjournal.com

Transportational security

As shown in Table 2, nearly half (48.33%) of respondents in Magadi were categorized under medium transportation security followed by one-third (33.34%) in the high category and less than one-fifth (18.33%) in the low category. In Ramanagara, nearly half of respondents (45.00%) had medium transportation security, two-fifths (40.00%) were in the high category and nearly one-sixth (15.00%) had low security. Overall, less than half (44.17%) had medium transportation security, more than one-third (36.67%) were in the high category and nearly one-fifth (19.16%) were in the low category. The contributing factors may include limited or poorly maintained roads, particularly in rural areas, which restrict mobility and access to essential services. The high cost of owning and maintaining vehicles forces many families to rely on inefficient or expensive transport options. Public transportation is often irregular, making it difficult to reach work or other important destinations on time. School children face commuting challenges, relying on scarce transport options like autos and jeeps. Additionally, geographic isolation in both taluks exacerbates the situation further reducing overall transportation security.

Social security

As outlined in Table 2, in Magadi nearly two-thirds (61.67%) of respondents fall under the high social security category followed by just about one-fifth (21.67%) in the medium category and a small proportion (16.66%) in the low category. In Ramanagara, more than two-fifths (45.00%) are in the medium category, one-third (33.34%) in the high category and one-fifth (21.66%) in the low category. Overall, nearly half (47.50%) of respondents fall under the high category, with a significant portion 33.34 per cent in the medium category and a smaller portion nearly one-fifth (19.16%) in the low category.

The probable reasons could be that Magadi has better access to self-help groups, where participation enhances social security through mutual support, financial assistance and collective decision-making. Greater involvement in social organizations in Magadi fosters a sense of solidarity, which contributes to stronger social security. In contrast, Ramanagara may have lower participation in such organizations, resulting in weaker social networks and fewer support opportunities. The major difference in social security likely stems from the level of participation in group meetings. In Magadi, more active participation in self-help groups and social organizations may have led to better social cohesion and access to resources, while lower participation in Ramanagara could limit these benefits.

Information security

The findings from Table 2 show that nearly half (45.00%) of respondents in Magadi were classified as having medium informational security, while 31.67 per cent were in the low category and 23.33 per cent were in the high category. In Ramanagara, two-thirds (68.33%) had medium security, 16.67 per cent were in the low category and 15.00 per cent were in the high category. Overall, 56.67 per cent of respondents were in the medium category, 24.17 per cent in the low category and 19.16 per cent in the high category. The likely causes may include variations in the implementation and awareness of NGO-led informational support programs coupled with weaker community networks, which contribute to the lower informational security in Magadi. The comparatively better performance of local leaders and NGOs in Ramanagara may explain its higher medium security. Overall, the medium to low levels of informational security indicate a need to strengthen NGO efforts improve community networks and enhance the role of local leaders to elevate informational security to a high level, ultimately supporting better livelihoods. The probable reasons for these patterns could be attributed to several factors. In Ramanagara taluk, the reliance on wage labor may stem from landlessness or limited access to agricultural resources, forcing respondents to seek nonagricultural employment. This reflects a shift from traditional farming to alternative livelihoods. In contrast, in Magadi taluk, the greater involvement in the collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) could be due to better proximity to forested areas. The low participation in small vending or skilled jobs across both areas suggests limited access to education, training, and more diverse livelihood opportunities, highlighting a need for interventions to address these gaps and promote sustainable livelihood options. These outcomes support the conclusions of Barman et al. (2013) [3] .

Different combinations of Livelihood systems followed by tribes

It is observed from The probable reasons for these livelihood strategies could be attributed to several factors. In Magadi taluk, the combination of agriculture, wage work, livestock rearing, and NTFP collection suggests a diversified approach, likely driven by limited land holdings and the need to generate income from various sources to sustain livelihoods. The small proportion of respondents pursuing sericulture combinations highlights the presence of favorable climatic conditions and some knowledge of sericulture practices, though limited by insufficient support for scaling up or accessing markets. In Ramanagara taluk, the reliance on wage work reflects limited access to agricultural opportunities, landlessness, or the preference for stable, daily income from labor. The higher participation in livestock activities may indicate adaptive strategies to supplement income. However, the low engagement in niche activities such as horticulture, small vending, or sericulture points to constraints in market access, lack of training, and limited opportunities for skill development, restricting economic diversification. These outcomes support the conclusions of Nisha (2013) [9] .

Proportion of income earned by tribes on different livelihood options

Table 5 reveals that in Magadi taluk, the majority of income was derived from agricultural labor, contributing more than half (53.71%) of the total, with livestock rearing contributing just above one-tenth (12.10%). Nonagricultural labor accounted for nearly one-tenth (9.23%) of income, while the collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) contributed a smaller portion (4.01%). Agriculture provided a similar share of just above one-tenth (12.50%), whereas horticulture (0.77%), migration activities (2.29%), and sericulture (4.14%) contributed minimally. Negligible income came from small vending (0.60%) or government and private jobs (0.65%).

In Ramanagara taluk, agricultural labor similarly dominated, contributing more than half (55.52%) of income, followed by non-agricultural labor, which accounted for nearly onefifth (19.17%). Livestock rearing provided a smaller share (7.93%), while government and private jobs contributed significantly at nearly one-tenth (6.12%). Other activities, such as agriculture (8.24%), migration activities (1.54%), and horticulture (1.23%), contributed minimally, and no income was reported from small vending or sericulture. Overall, agricultural labor remained the predominant income source, contributing more than half (54.62%) across both taluks. Non-agricultural labor made up a significant portion, more than one-tenth (14.16%), followed by livestock rearing at approximately one-tenth (10.39%).

Agriculture contributed just over one-tenth (10.03%), while other activities, including NTFP collection (2.14%), government and private jobs (3.36%), sericulture (2.09%), migration (1.91%), and horticulture (1.00%), contributed marginally. Small vending was negligible (0.31%).

The possible explanations for these patterns are collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) is more common in Magadi due to its proximity to forested areas, though it contributes only minimally to income. The low participation in horticulture and migration activities suggests limited economic diversification, likely due to lack of knowledge, skills, or market access. The absence of small vending points to a lack of entrepreneurial activity, possibly caused by inadequate resources, skills, or market opportunities. Overall, the findings highlight systemic constraints such as landlessness, limited skill development, poor market access, and reliance on labor-based livelihoods, all of which hinder income diversification and sustainable livelihoods. These outcomes support the conclusions of Mareeswaran (2014) [7] . www.extensionjournal.com The probable reasons for the reliance on agricultural labor as the primary livelihood activity for the Iruliga tribes can be attributed to their limited access to diverse opportunities and dependence on wage labor due to the lack of land ownership. Non-agricultural labor serves as a secondary income source, with higher engagement in Ramanagara, where such opportunities are more available. The underutilization of livestock rearing is due to challenges like limited resources and access to veterinary care, while minimal involvement in agriculture and horticulture stems from subsistence farming rather than commercial practices. The low engagement in small vendor activities and formal employment reflects limited entrepreneurial opportunities and inadequate skills or education for higher-paying jobs. Migration is not a significant strategy, as the tribes prefer to remain close to their communities. The higher prevalence of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP) collection in Magadi is attributed to better access to forest resources, though its limited contribution may result from declining forest cover and regulatory restrictions. The low involvement in sericulture could stem from factors such as lack of awareness, insufficient training, and inadequate resources. These findings suggest the need for interventions such as skill development, support for livestock, horticulture, and sericulture, as well as better access to land and resources to improve and diversify the livelihoods of the Iruliga tribes. These outcomes support the conclusions of Ramya (2016) [10] .

Proportion of male and female Share in each livelihood option

Percentage of Technical competency

Table 9 reveals that the technical competency among the Iruliga tribes in relation to different livelihood options was notably high. Agriculture showed more than three-fourths (76.28%) competency, with Magadi reporting a slightly higher level more than three-fourths (77.29%) compared to Ramanagara nearly three-fourths (74.07%). Horticulture demonstrated slightly more than four-fifths (83.33%) competency, with better proficiency in Ramanagara more than seven-eighths (88.89%) than in Magadi just above three-fifths (77.78%). Livestock activities exhibited nearly three-fourths (74.18%) technical understanding, higher in Magadi just above three-fifths (77.47%) compared to Ramanagara more than two-thirds (70.25%). Collection of NTFPs reflected four-fifths (84.64%) competency, with minimal variation between Magadi more than four-fifths (84.94%) and Ramanagara just above four-fifths (81.48%). Agricultural labor showed more than four-fifths (83.76%) competency, slightly higher in Ramanagara (85.82%) than in Magadi (81.67%). Non-agricultural labor demonstrated nearly nine-tenths (89.36%) technical proficiency, with Ramanagara (94.25%) leading over Magadi (81.48%). Small vendor activities, exclusive to Magadi, showed nearly nine-tenths (88.89%) competency. Sericulture, also exclusive to Magadi, exhibited a similar level of competency (88.89%). Both government/semigovernment/private jobs and migration activities achieved full competency across both taluks. The underlying reasons for the high level of technical competency among the Iruliga tribes across various livelihood activities reflect their adaptability and ability to manage diverse economic opportunities. Agriculture demonstrates strong skills due to its long-standing role as a primary livelihood. Livestock activities, NTFP collection, and sericulture showcase considerable technical know-how, linked to their reliance on natural resources and traditional practices. Horticulture, agricultural labor, and nonagricultural labor show even higher competency, especially in Ramanagara, likely due to better support and advanced opportunities.

Conclusion

The study on the Iruliga tribes of Ramanagara district revealed a multifaceted livelihood system characterized by diverse income sources and varying levels of livelihood security. Agricultural labor emerged as the dominant livelihood option, contributing the most to household income and time spent, while wage work combined with livestock and agriculture formed the most common livelihood pattern. Despite their dependence on traditional activities like agriculture and NTFP collection, many households also diversified into non-agricultural labor, livestock, and small-scale enterprises to sustain their livelihoods.

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